Ranked: The World's Biggest Military Drone Exporters

The U.S. and Iran supplied 86% of the 16,822 military drones exported globally from 2022 to 2025.

Türkiye exported just 381 drones but supplied 28 countries, nearly three times more buyers than any other exporter.

In 2025, Iran delivered 2,002 military drones, five times as many as the U.S.

Military drones have moved from the margins of warfare to the front line, yet only a handful of countries export them at scale.

The U.S. and Iran dominate the trade, with most of their exports supplying opposite sides of the war in Ukraine.

This graphic ranks the 14 countries that exported military drones over 2022-2025, using data from the SIPRI Arms Transfers Database .

SIPRI counts drone aircraft weighing at least 150 kg, plus one-way attack drones and loitering munitions, which are built to strike once and be destroyed. The figures include drones sent as aid or built in the buyer’s country under license, but largely exclude small FPV and commercial drones.

U.S. and Iran Supply 86% of All Exported Military Drones

The U.S. exported 7,593 military drones and Iran 6,800, each more than six times as many as third-ranked Germany (1,000). Nearly all went to a single war: 95% of U.S. drones went to Ukraine, while 99% of Iran’s went to Russia.

The table below shows how many military drones each country exported from 2022 to 2025, along with its of the global total:

Almost all of these drones were built for a single use. One-way attack drones and loitering munitions make up 97% of the global total, which helps explain how a few wartime transfers can add up to thousands of units. Every drone the U.S. sent to Ukraine during this period was of this type.

Nearly all of Iran’s exports were Shahed-136 drones that Russia also assembled and produced under license, which SIPRI still counts as Iranian exports. Iran built up its drone industry in response to a UN arms embargo that tightened over time before expiring in 2020.

Below the top two, exports drop off quickly. Only Germany (1,000) and Poland (690) delivered more than 500 drones, while the bottom seven exporters, from Czechia to Sweden, delivered 89 combined.

U.S. Military Drone Exports Fell Sharply in 2025

Drone export patterns for the two largest suppliers shifted sharply in 2025. U.S. exports climbed from 1,010 in 2022 to 3,219 in 2024, then fell to 402 in 2025, the same year new U.S. military aid to Ukraine came to a halt .

Iran, meanwhile, continued delivering 2,000 drones a year from 2023 through 2025, making it the largest exporter in 2025 by a wide margin.

The table below shows how many military drones the U.S. and Iran exported each year from 2022 to 2025:

Country Military Drones Exported 2022 2023 2024 2025 🇺🇸 U.S. 1,010 2,962 3,219 402 🇮🇷 Iran 735 2,031 2,032 2,002

Most U.S. drones shipped in 2025 went to Taiwan, which received 291 loitering munitions and ranks third among all military drone importers from 2022 to 2025. Ukraine received 100 U.S.-made loitering munitions that year, paid for by the UK.

Europe partly filled the gap left by the U.S. in Ukraine. All 1,000 of Germany’s drone exports, consisting of loitering munitions sent to Ukraine as aid, were delivered in 2025.

Türkiye Sells Military Drones to More Countries Than Anyone Else

Türkiye ranks fifth by number of drones exported, but no country has more customers. It supplied 28 countries from 2022 to 2025, more than half of the 54 countries that imported military drones and nearly three times as many as the U.S. or China, with 10 each.

Those buyers are spread across the globe. Twelve are in Africa, while the rest range from NATO members such as Poland and Romania to Pakistan, Kuwait, and Ukraine.

Türkiye also sells a different kind of drone. three-quarters of its exports were larger aircraft such as the Bayraktar TB2, which can fly mission after mission. It supplied 281 of the 486 larger drone aircraft exported worldwide, or 58%.

That difference is why SIPRI also measures arms transfers using a second metric, the trend-indicator value (TIV). Instead of counting units, it assigns each weapon a standardized value based on the production cost of comparable weapons, so one large armed drone counts for far more than a single-use one. TIV reflects the military capability transferred rather than the price paid, and by this measure Türkiye was the largest drone exporter of the period.

If you enjoyed today’s post, check out the world’s largest arms exporters on Voronoi.

Ranked: Defense R&D Spending by Country

See how defense R&D spending per $1,000 of GDP compares across OECD countries, led by the United States by a wide margin.

How Much Do Countries Spend on Defense R&D?

The U.S. led defense R&D spending per $1,000 of GDP among OECD countries, at $3.64 in 2024.

South Korea ranked second, allocating $2.06 per $1,000 of GDP to defense R&D.

Spending falls sharply after the top two, with 20th-ranked Greece allocating just $0.09 per $1,000 of GDP.

Defense research and development is one way countries invest in future military capabilities, from advanced weapons systems to emerging technologies.

This visualization ranks selected OECD countries by defense research and development (R&D) budget allocations per $1,000 of GDP. The data comes from the OECD Economic Outlook, Volume 2026 Issue 1 , with figures covering 2024 or the latest available year as of August 2026.

Defense R&D has also historically played an important role in shaping civilian technologies. Research tied to national security has helped support breakthroughs in fields such as computing, aerospace, satellites, medicine, and advanced materials. However, the link between military spending and innovation is not automatic, as secrecy can impede knowledge diffusion, among other factors.

The U.S. Leads by a Wide Margin

The United States ranked first, with defense R&D budget allocations equal to $3.64 per $1,000 of GDP. In absolute terms, the U.S. is also the world’s highest military-spending country by a wide margin, with 2025 spending totaling $954 billion and accounting for one-third of global military spending that year.

The U.S. allocation was nearly 1.8 times South Korea’s and more than 3.7 times the United Kingdom’s, which ranked second and third, respectively.

The table below shows defense R&D budget allocations per $1,000 of GDP for selected OECD countries:

Although U.S. military spending as a of GDP decreased in 2025 compared with the annual average between 2015 and 2022, the Trump administration’s U.S. Department of War announced in April 2026 that its Fiscal Year 2027 (FY27) Defense Budget would request an unprecedented $1.5 trillion, a 42% increase compared with 2026 funding.

Included in that amount are plans to increase defense R&D spending from $16.6 billion in 2026 to $18.7 billion in 2027, with a stated focus on a general science and technology fund.

South Korea and Europe Round Out the Top Five

Allocating $2.06 per $1,000 of GDP to defense R&D, South Korea ranked second, making it the only other OECD country above $2.

South Korea has emerged as one of the world’s fastest-growing arms producers and exporters, supported by sustained government investment in its defense industry.

Reflecting this growth, four South Korean companies appear in the SIPRI Top 100 list of global arms producers with the largest arms sales revenues in 2024. Their combined revenues increased by 30% from 2023 to 2024.

Following South Korea, the ranking drops quickly. The United Kingdom placed third at $0.97 per $1,000 of GDP. Between 2019 and 2024, the UK’s Ministry of Defense tripled its net expenditure on R&D from £1.02 billion to £3.07 billion.

Germany followed in fourth place at $0.79 per $1,000 of GDP, while France ranked fifth at $0.50 per $1,000 of GDP. France and Germany are the European Union’s largest and second-largest defense R&D spenders, respectively.

Most Countries Spend Far Less on Defense R&D

Across the 20 OECD countries shown, the average defense R&D allocation was $0.58 per $1,000 of GDP.

The median was much lower, at $0.27 per $1,000 of GDP , showing how much the top spenders skew the average.

Within the top 20, the drop-off is steep. The U.S. allocation of $3.64 per $1,000 of GDP was more than seven times fifth-ranked France’s $0.50 and more than 40 times 20th-ranked Greece’s $0.09 .

Defense R&D intensity varies considerably among wealthy economies because countries may prioritize procurement, active personnel , operations, or research differently.

If you found this post interesting, check out Which NATO Countries Boosted Defense Spending the Most in 2025? on Voronoi .

America’s Missile Interceptor Stockpiles Have Plunged

U.S. Patriot interceptor inventories have fallen by roughly two-thirds since the Iran war began, with CSIS estimating a three-year rebuild for both Patriot and THAAD stockpiles.

America’s Missile Interceptor Stockpiles Have Plunged

U.S. Patriot interceptor inventories have fallen from an estimated 2,330 before the Iran war to 759–827 as of July 27, 2026, a decline of roughly two-thirds.

THAAD interceptor stocks are down by nearly half over the same period, from 452 to an estimated 239–257.

CSIS estimates both systems will take at least three years to return to pre-war inventory levels, with new FY 2027 orders not arriving until 2029.

Months of intercepting Iranian missile barrages have drawn down America’s stockpiles of its two most important air-defense interceptors far faster than they can currently be replaced.

Since the start of the Iran war in late February, combined Patriot and THAAD interceptor inventories have fallen by roughly 1,700 missiles.

This graphic visualizes estimated U.S. Patriot and THAAD interceptor inventories, based on public-source estimates from the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), with per-interceptor values from U.S. Army and Missile Defense Agency FY 2027 procurement references.

How Much of America’s Missile Inventory Is Left?

Patriot accounts for the vast majority of the absolute decline in U.S. interceptor stocks, reflecting its much larger pre-war inventory and heavy use during the conflict.

THAAD stocks have also fallen substantially. While fewer THAAD interceptors have been expended, each costs more than twice as much as a Patriot interceptor.

The table below compares estimated U.S. inventories of both interceptor types before the war and as of July 27, 2026: Missile System Estimated U.S. Interceptor Inventory Estimated Decline (%) Pre-war (Feb. 27, 2026) July 27, 2026 Patriot 2,330 759–827 64.5–67.4% THAAD 452 239–257 43.1–47.1%

A PAC-3 MSE interceptor used by Patriot systems costs roughly $5 million in the FY 2027 budget request . A THAAD interceptor, designed to destroy ballistic missiles at longer ranges and higher altitudes than Patriot, costs nearly $12 million.

Both systems are being used primarily against Iranian ballistic missiles. Using FY 2027 unit costs as a rough benchmark, replacing the estimated drawdown would cost $10 billion.

A Three-Year Road Back to Pre-War Levels

According to CSIS analysis of Pentagon delivery projections, Patriot and THAAD stockpiles will each take at least three years to return to pre-war levels. THAAD’s FY 2027 order of 857 interceptors is projected to complete the replacement of Iran-war usage by the end of 2029.

Washington is spending heavily to close the gap as global military spending climbs. The FY 2027 defense budget includes a $95 billion munitions request, with another $21 billion in a war supplemental. Lockheed Martin also plans to more than triple PAC-3 MSE production capacity and expand THAAD output from 96 to 400 interceptors per year.

Until those deliveries arrive, CSIS warns that depleted stockpiles create a window of vulnerability. With no good alternatives to Patriot and THAAD for ballistic missile defense, every interceptor fired over the Middle East will take at least one to two years to replace.

If you enjoyed today’s post, check out The Global Defense Industry in One Chart on Voronoi.

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